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Published 2008-06-25 16:20:00
 


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London Times Calls For A Royal Commission For "A fresh line on drugs"
– Major Defection From Prohibitionism!

April 17, 1998

(Ed. note: The Labor government’s refusal even to consider any change even in the cannabis laws is now being hit from the Establishment right. Remember that The London Times is owned by Rupert Murdoch.)
See

UK "Justice" Minister Straw’s Rejection of Fact Finding Cannabis Commission Based On Errors of Fact

and
"Mandatory Drug Testing May Have Perverse Effect"
- Discouraging Cannabis; Encouraging Hard Drugs. - London Times

and
London Times Reports Sympathetically About Medical Marijuana User – Leaves Government Sounding Cruel

From The London Times
letters@the-times.co.uk

April 16, 1998

OPINION

A fresh line on drugs

The Government should appoint a royal commission to examine the nature of Britain’s drug problem and make recommendations. The "war" against drugs may or may not be being lost; there is disagreement even about that, but this is certainly one of the classic cases for a commission. A great social evil is destroying the lives of many young people; there is no consensus on the factual basis of the spread of this contagion, or on the medical dangers of particular drugs; there is certainly no consensus on the best way to deal with the problem. Without an authoritative examination of the evidence, policy recommendations can only be speculative opinions.

The news from the front is bad. On Tuesday Customs and Excise announced that heroin seizures in 1997 had increased by 135 per cent against the previous year; there has been a steady rise in heroin seizures both by Customs and police for most of the 1990s. This is the best guide we have to the level of importation and abuse. It cannot be a precise one, but it seems certain that heroin use has been rising rapidly. There are stories of heroin dealers targeting the young with free samples and so on; the evidence for this is less certain, but it seems only too likely to be true.
See
UK Drug Tsar Blames Cannabis Campaign As Heroin Floods Market; Marijuana Seizures 15 Times That of  Hard Drugs

There has also been a large increase in seizures of cocaine and synthetic drugs; the cocaine seizures are up by about 80 per cent. The recently appointed "drugs tsar" Keith Hellawell says that "the overall use of illicit drugs has plateaued"; this more optimistic view seems to be true only of cannabis, where the seizures, though huge, were only slightly up on the previous year. Paul Flynn, the Labour MP who is the vice-chairman of the Drugs Misuse Group in the Commons, says that the seizure figures show the "abject failure" of the present policies on drugs, and points to the tripling of deaths from heroin over the past three years.
(Ed. note: Flynn led the Cannabis Campaign March in London and
See

Labour Parliament Member Urges Home Secretary to Visit Holland and "Go Dutch" on Cannabis Policy))

One of the benefits of a royal commission should be that such an inquiry would distinguish properly between the different drugs. The attraction of these illegal drugs, and of many legal drugs as well, is that they give people a high. The drawback is that they present health risks or reduce social competence. No two drugs have the same effect on the mood, and no two drugs present an identical risk to health. For instance, nicotine is an admirable drug in terms of mood alteration - it gives a mild lift - and of social competence. Cigarette smokers can actually concentrate better on their work. Unfortunately it is highly addictive and has lethal long-term effects on health.

One lobby, which has been led by The Independent, wants to take cannabis out of the illegal group and put it with caffeine, alcohol and nicotine. It is not possible to know whether this lobby is justified without better information about the long-term effects on health of using cannabis. Some doctors believe that substantial long-term use damages the brain, but this is exactly the sort of issue a royal commission could examine in detail.
See
Letter From Rosie Boycott The Editor Of The Independent – Founder Of "Decriminalise Cannabis Campaign"

There are claims made for the drug policies of The Netherlands where the decriminalisation of cannabis is said to have reduced the use of hard drugs. Undoubtedly one of the dangers of including relatively mild drugs in the illegal group is that users of these drugs are introduced to suppliers who are criminals. If, by decriminalising cannabis, one could separate the large number of cannabis users from the much more dangerous hard drugs culture, that would plainly be a gain. Whatever its medical effects, there are hundreds of thousands of people who have used cannabis, if only in their student days, and now hold down responsible jobs. A royal commission could examine the experience of The Netherlands in an impartial way.
See Go Dutch!

Other drugs have different effects. Ecstasy can lead to sudden death; LSD can produce bizarre and sometimes dangerous hallucinations, and can be followed by recurrent incidents of a schizoid character; cocaine and heroin are both major and damaging drugs of addiction. Yet even in these cases, there is an argument for trying to take them back out of the hands of criminals, and treating addiction primarily as a medical problem.

The drugs business is enormously profitable, and it is profitable because it is illegal. If cocaine or heroin were ordinary refined agricultural products, sold in the open market, they would be extremely cheap, as cheap as any other processed plants. If they were cheap, no criminal fortunes could be made from selling them, and no one would have a motive to seduce children into addiction. Some people would still become addicts, simply because the product was inexpensive and available, like laudanum (Ed. note: Tincture of opium; Ironically, the name is from the Latin meaning "praised.") in the 19th century. We cannot tell whether this state of affairs would produce more or fewer addicts; it would, however, remove the criminal profit, and not drive people to crime to pay for their habit.

The average heroin addict is said to steal goods worth more than £40,000 every year. Some police officers, who deal with these drug-related crimes, believe that universal drug decriminalisation would both remove the profit of dealing and remove the pressure to commit crimes to pay for drugs. These arguments should be examined with an open mind.

Hard drugs are now available throughout the industrialised world; the only countries where they are not almost universally available seem to be those too poor to pay for them. In Boston it is easier for a college student to buy drugs than alcohol; the laws restricting drugs are flouted, those forbidding the sale of alcohol to people under 21 are successfully enforced.

A few weeks ago I was reading the local paper in Somerset; it reported a crack cocaine case in Midsomer Norton. If one can buy crack in Midsomer Norton, one can buy it almost anywhere in Britain.

One of the side-effects of the global drug business is that it produces a complex of corruption, ranging from the petty corruption of local policemen, through the corruption of banking by money-laundering, to the wholesale corruption of ministers and governments in some countries. As with the experiment of prohibition of alcohol in the United States, the prohibition of drugs naturally leads to the creation of criminal empires. Sixty-five years after the United States repealed prohibition, these organised crime networks still exist and flourish. Once they have been brought into existence by huge criminal profits, they are extremely difficult to get rid of.

The main concern for the Government must be the protection of the young. The drugs culture is no respecter of social class; it is to be found in prosperous suburbs as well as in inner-city estates. But the opportunities for the drug culture to expand are greatest where there are few jobs and strong local gangs. Some estates in Manchester seem to be under the virtual control of these drug gangs. Strong policing and heavy sentences have been tried in the United States to break these gangs; as a result there are 400,000 Americans, mostly young and mostly black or Hispanic, in prison on drugs offences. They have often been sentenced to very long terms. That is proportionately more people than are in prison for all offences in Britain. Tough law enforcement may be necessary, but is not an answer.

Indeed the United States is an example of how not to deal with drugs. The problem has to be tackled in social, medical and educational terms, as well as in terms of law enforcement. The Americans have put too much pressure on other nations to imitate their over-simple pattern of response.

Many people fear that any inquiry would in some way weaken the drive against drugs. Yet Britain’s policy is not working, and it is hard to see how a state of ignorance can help to make it work. The present policy is not protecting the young; it is not destroying the criminal network; it has not prevented drugs becoming universally available in Britain. In any social disaster on this scale, the natural course is to review the evidence, listen to the arguments, establish the options and suggest which might work best. That would be rational government. We cannot simply go on sending each generation of children over the top to take their chance of having their lives ruined and of being turned into criminals.

 
 

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