An Intelligent and Friendly
Report On the Medical Marijuana Class Action Suit
See
Great Story From
The AP On Class Action Medical Marijuana Suit
The Philadelphia Inquirer
Inquirer.opinion@phillynews.com http://www.phillynews.com/
August 24, 1998
(Ed. note: I think that the reporter found more disagreement than
actually exists among the movement lawyers, but this article gives some insight into the
complexity of the court challenge to marijuana prohibition.)
LAWYER SUES U.S. TO OVERTURN BAN ON MARIJUANA
Cited in the suit, which seeks to allow medicinal use, are personal stories like the
one of a Philadelphia AIDS patient and activist.
By Joseph A. Slobodzian INQUIRER STAFF WRITER
Its been said that nothing is so powerful as an idea whose time has come, and
lawyer Lawrence Elliott Hirsch may be right: That now is the hour to sue to legalize the
medical use of marijuana.
See www.fairlaw.org
After all, its been two years since Californians approved a ballot question
legalizing the medical use of marijuana to help patients suffering from such illnesses as
cancer, AIDS and glaucoma.
In the last month, state officials in Nevada and Washington state have certified
referendums for Novembers general election on legalizing marijuana for medical use.
And in Camden County, Edward Forchion, an independent candidate for county freeholder
running on the "Legalize Marijuana" slate, has staged a high-profile campaign
that has gotten him charged with possession of a controlled dangerous substance after he
openly smoked a joint in both Camden County Democratic headquarters and the office of U.S.
Rep. Robert Andrews (D., N.J.).
Smelling the winds of change, Hirsch said he decided that the time was right to use the
weapon of a federal class-action lawsuit to end the governments 61-year-old ban on
the herb aficionados prefer to call by its Latin name, cannabis.
"This has to be the hottest issue since communism," said Hirsch, 59, in a
recent interview. Hirschs lawsuit, filed last month in U.S. District Court, lives up
to his description as being a "grass-roots effort." Most of the lawsuits
128 pages are taken up with the life stories of 164 plaintiffs who contend they have found
significant health benefits to smoking marijuana.
Among the plaintiffs in the suit are Kiyoshi Kuromiya, 55, an AIDS patient and activist
from Philadelphia
See www.critpath.org
who says using marijuana helped him gain 40 pounds he had lost through "AIDS wasting
syndrome," and Nancy Jamison, who operates a Boston nonprofit corporation
distributing food to the poor.
Jamison has used marijuana to combat the pain and symptoms of multiple sclerosis, a
crippling nerve disorder. Hirsch said the lawsuit had been two years in the making, since
he began advertising for plaintiffs at a convention of the Washington-based Drug Policy
Foundation, which has lobbied to change U.S. drug laws.
The lawsuit has been assigned to U.S. District Judge Marvin Katz, a 15-year veteran on
the federal bench, and is awaiting a formal appearance by a lawyer for the only defendant:
the United States of America. First Assistant U.S. Attorney Michael L. Levy said that the
lawsuit would be defended by lawyers for the Justice Department in Washington, and that
those lawyers were drafting a motion to dismiss the lawsuit.
Hirsch said he was not worried: "I cant wait to hear
the official response." Almost as unusual as the length of Hirschs lawsuit is
the nature of its claim: It seeks, in classic constitutional parlance, the "redress
of grievances by the people," as it reads in the final clause of the First Amendment,
for the "government prohibition of therapeutic cannabis." It was for that
reason, Hirsch explained, that he purposely sued the U.S. government as an entity rather
than naming individual defendants such as U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, or Barry
McCaffrey, the Clinton administrations drug czar.
Unlike the governments ill-fated 13-year effort to ban the use of alcohol except
for medicinal purposes, enacted by the 18th Amendment and repealed by the 21st
in 1933, Hirsch noted that laws prohibiting marijuana were imposed by Congress in the
Controlled Substances Act of 1970 and in subsequent federal regulations by the Justice
Department and the predecessor to the Drug Enforcement Administration.
"What we have now is prohibition without a constitutional
amendment,"
Hirsch said. Although the First Amendments "redress of
grievances" phrase is often interpreted to mean the peoples right to petition
Congress or the president, Hirsch argues that the wording does not exclude a court
challenge.
"It is absolutely the responsibility of the courts to determine the
constitutionality of laws," Hirsch said. "This isnt a political question,
it isnt a legislative question, it isnt an executive question. Its a
judicial question."
Hirsch could be right. But its the judicial answer that scares a lot of others in
the marijuana legalization movement. "Of course Im concerned about making bad
law," said Keith Stroup, a lawyer and executive director of the National Organization
for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML), the Washington-based group that has campaigned
to legalize cannabis since 1970.
Stroup said he and NORML lawyers were to obtain a copy of Hirschs lawsuit and
would consider whether to support it, either as a "friend of the court" or by
providing expert witnesses if the case gets to trial. "Were not in disagreement
with [ Hirschs ] goals," Stroup said.
"The real question is whether were using limited resources wisely and in a
way that supports the social change were seeking. "Were not in the 1970s
anymore. . . . The federal courts today are a much more conservative body, and judges
generally are unwilling to take on issues of social or political change."
NORML has been down this route before. In 1972, it launched a suit petitioning the
DEAs predecessor, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, to legalize cannabis.
In 1988, after the prodding of a federal appeals court and two years
of hearings, Francis L. Young, then chief DEA administrative law judge, concluded that the
evidence "clearly shows that marijuana has been accepted as capable of relieving the
distress of great numbers of very ill people, and doing so with safety under medical
supervision. It would be unreasonable, arbitrary, and capricious for DEA to continue to
stand between those sufferers and the benefits of this substance."
The DEA director at the time, John Lawn, rejected Youngs findings, a ruling that
was upheld when NORML appealed the decision to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District
of Columbia.
At that point, Stroup said, NORML looked at the complexion of the U.S. Supreme Court
and decided not to appeal further, fearing it could wind up with "bad law":
binding Supreme Court precedent against legalizing marijuana.
(Ed. note: The old NORML suit was for a much more limited objective
of getting marijuana moved to Schedule II. The Hirsch suit is much broader in its
objectives.
I think that it was wise to withdraw the NORML suit, because there was too much risk
for too little return. The suit was first launched at a time when it seemed possible that
the government might act in good faith. They did not. When I was national Director, I
wanted to drop the suit because I thought that its objectives were too narrow, but I was
over-ruled by a previous Board of Directors.
Also when a suit is brought by a large number of plaintiffs, it is very different from
a suit brought by NORML and other organizations. The NORML suit was about abstract rights.
The Class Action is about the rights of a large number of individuals.)
Hirsch, however, derides Stroups and NORMLs concerns about his
lawsuits potential for creating "bad law," noting that the government has
essentially phased out its short-lived experiment of providing marijuana to eligible
patients who are seriously or terminally ill.
"Thats the worst bull," Hirsch said, referring to fears of his lawsuit.
"How can we make an already repressive, bad law any worse if we go to court?"